Chosen family

From Justice Definitions Project

What Is 'Chosen Family'?

The term “chosen family” refers to a self-constituted kinship group formed voluntarily by individuals who are not related through biological descent, marriage, or legal adoption, but who nonetheless assume relational roles typically associated with family structures. These groups are built through interpersonal bonds such as emotional support, shared living arrangements, long-term caregiving, financial interdependence, social resilience, and mutual obligation. [1]

The concept emerged especially within LGBTQ+ communities in response to social exclusion, familial rejection, and legal non-recognition of queer domestic relationships. Anthropologist Kath Weston’s seminal study, Families We Choose: Lesbians, Gays, Kinship (1991), is widely credited with formalising the term in scholarly discourse, describing chosen families as alternative kinship networks that sustain emotional and material life for queer individuals. [2] Although the term originates in queer studies, subsequent research identifies chosen family structures among migrants, refugees, transgender communities, sex workers, and unhoused youth, all of whom form kin networks outside biological or legal family systems. [3]

Core Characteristics of Chosen Families

Scholars identify several defining features:

(a) Voluntary Membership: Members “opt into” the family structure through mutual consent, unlike biological or marital ties.

(b) Emotional and Practical Care: Chosen families often perform essential caregiving roles: supporting members during illness, crises, financial hardship, homelessness, and psychological distress. [4]

(c) Non-Hierarchical Kinship Roles: Roles like “mother”, “sister”, “uncle”, “child”, etc., may be symbolically reassigned based on emotional affinity rather than biological relation.

(d) Resistance to Normative Family Structures: Chosen families challenge heteronormative assumptions embedded in traditional family law, which centre marriage, reproduction, and lineage. [5]

(e) Lifesaving Social Function: Chosen families often provide the only protective structure for displaced or persecuted queer individuals. [6]

Evolution of the Term

The term “chosen family” was popularised in activism and community organisation by queer collectives in the 1970s–1990s. The AIDS crisis accelerated the formalisation of chosen families, as many LGBTQ+ persons were denied care or visitation rights by biological families. [7]

In India, the term gained visibility in the 2010s–2020s due to:

  1. constitutional litigation on LGBTQ+ rights
  2. queer-rights movements in urban centres
  3. trans community gharana structures recognised through NALSA (2014)
  4. academic articles critiquing heteronormative family structures
  5. media reports documenting mobility, safety, and housing struggles of children without parental care[8]

By the mid-2020s, Indian High Courts began explicitly acknowledging the term in constitutional jurisprudence, especially in cases involving protection of queer couples.

Official Definition of 'Chosen Family'

India does not have a statutory definition of “chosen family.” No Union-level act in family law, personal law, or social welfare explicitly defines kinship formed through choice rather than blood, marriage, or adoption.

However, multiple legal instruments, judicial decisions, international standards, and government reports implicitly recognise relationships that function as chosen families.

Below is an exhaustive mapping.

“Chosen Family” as Defined in Legislation

Indian Statutes Implicitly Supporting Non-biological Kinship

(A) Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005

The PWDVA is the most significant statutory instrument that recognises relationships in the nature of marriage, i.e., non-marital, cohabiting partnerships.

Section 2(f) defines a “domestic relationship” as a relationship “by consanguinity, marriage, or through a relationship in the nature of marriage, adoption, or family members living together as a joint family.” [9]This has enabled courts to extend protection to live-in couples, including queer couples in some High Court judgments.

Section 2(s) defines “shared household” broadly. [10]

Section 17 gives a right to reside, regardless of title.[11]

Taken together, these provisions allow cohabiting, non-biological units of care to access certain rights, functioning analogously to chosen families.

(B) Mental Healthcare Act, 2017

The MHCA confirms that persons may choose their caregivers and healthcare decision-makers.

Section 14: Right to appoint a Nominated Representative, who may be “any person of the individual’s choice,” not limited to blood or marital kin. [12]

This statutory provision is one of the closest Indian legal recognitions of chosen family.

(C) Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015

The JJ Act uses concepts like “fit person” and “fit facility,” (section 51 and 52 of the act) which include non-kin individuals.

Section 56(2): Adoption procedures permit individuals not biologically related to assume parental responsibilities.[13]

Section 57: Eligibility of individuals apart from biological families to adopt. [14]

Although not framed as “chosen family,” it legally affirms caregiving structures beyond biology.

“Chosen Family” in International Instruments

The concept of “chosen family” does not appear as a defined legal category in any binding international treaty, but it is strongly rooted in the international human-rights interpretation of “family” as a diverse, evolving, and socially constructed institution.[15] Modern international instruments treat family not as a fixed biological structure but as a set of interpersonal bonds grounded in emotional interdependence, mutual support, and personal autonomy. This interpretive evolution directly supports the juridical recognition of chosen families, particularly for LGBTQ+ persons, refugees, transgender communities, and others excluded from traditional family systems.[16]

Yogyakarta Principles (2007)

The Yogyakarta Principles (2007) are globally recognised as the most authoritative soft-law instrument on the application of existing human-rights norms to sexual orientation and gender identity.[17] Although non-binding, they have been relied on by national courts, UN treaty bodies, and human-rights commissions to interpret constitutional rights relating to LGBTQ+ persons. Principle 24 (The Right to Found a Family) explicitly affirms that “families exist in diverse forms,” signaling that the human-rights framework rejects narrow marital or biological definitions of family.[18] The commentary clarifies that states must ensure that all individuals have the right to form a family “regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity,” which logically includes non-biological and non-marital kinship groups.[19] This commentary further emphasises that family must be understood as a social and functional institution that includes units built on emotional ties, shared responsibilities, and mutual care, concepts foundational to chosen-family structures.[20] Thus, while the term “chosen family” is not used verbatim, the Principles’ substantive definitions of “family” make chosen families conceptually indistinguishable from other protected family structures.[21]

Yogyakarta Principles +10 (2017)

The Yogyakarta Principles +10 (2017) expand on the original Principles by explicitly including gender expression and sex characteristics, thereby recognising broader categories of persons who rely on chosen-family networks.[22] Principle 30 (The Right to State Protection) requires states to protect individuals who live with “communities or persons of their choice,” affirming the legitimacy of voluntary non-natal kinship networks.[23] By recognising residence with “persons of their choice” as a protected right, Principle 30 implicitly validates chosen-family households as social units warranting state protection.[24] Similarly, Principle 33 frames mental and bodily integrity as inseparable from living with individuals who provide emotional and relational support, reinforcing the functional understanding of family.[25]Together, these additions transform the Principles from merely recognising diverse families to explicitly anchoring family rights in personal autonomy and chosen associations.[26]

UNHCR Guidance Note on Refugee Claims Relating to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (2008)

The UNHCR Guidance Note (2008) is one of the earliest UN documents to directly acknowledge the existence of chosen-family structures within LGBTQ+ communities.[27] The Guidance Note states that LGBTQ+ refugees often rely on “supportive networks and chosen families” because natal families frequently reject queer identities, especially in criminalising or socially hostile environments.[28] It identifies these networks as critical for accessing housing, safety, emotional support, and basic survival needs in displacement contexts.[29] International asylum tribunals have repeatedly cited the Guidance Note to understand queer social organisation, establishing chosen-family relationships as credible evidence of identity and risk in refugee proceedings.[30] This creates a rare area where chosen families have gained quasi-formal international recognition through consistent application in global jurisprudence.

Reports of the UN Independent Expert on SOGI

Reports submitted to the UN Human Rights Council by the Independent Expert on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (e.g., Vitit Muntarbhorn in 2017 and Victor Madrigal-Borloz in 2018) consistently highlight that LGBTQ+ persons often construct kinship units beyond biological families due to exclusion and violence.[31] These reports describe chosen-family networks as essential mechanisms of survival and emotional stability for queer individuals across multiple regions.[32] They further affirm that states have a positive obligation to protect individuals forming “social units based on choice, affection, and mutual support,” meaning that protection cannot be limited to biological family structures.[33] In doing so, the UN Expert framework establishes a clear conceptual foundation for recognising chosen families as entities deserving full human-rights protection.[34]

Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), Advisory Opinion OC-24/17

In OC-24/17, the Inter-American Court held that human-rights protections extend to “all family forms founded on emotional interdependence.”[35] The Court rejected the idea of a singular, heterosexual, reproductive definition of family, stating that such a view is incompatible with international human-rights standards.[36] It emphasised that dignity requires states to recognise family structures that reflect the lived realities of persons, including those formed outside biological or marital ties.[37] Though the opinion arose in a marriage-equality context, its reasoning has been widely interpreted to include chosen-family formations as legally protected family units.[38]

“Chosen Family” as Defined in Official Document(s)

NALSA Guidelines and MSJE Circulars (Post-2014)

The Supreme Court’s decision in NALSA v Union of India (2014) directed governments to recognise the lived realities of transgender persons, including their reliance on non-natal, community-based kinship structures for survival.[39] Following this judgment, the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment (MSJE) issued multiple circulars and directions to states establishing transgender welfare boards and support mechanisms.[40] These circulars explicitly acknowledge that transgender persons frequently “reside within alternative families,” reflecting chosen-family formations common in hijra, kinnar, and other gharana-based community systems.[41] Tamil Nadu’s Transgender Welfare Board, one of India’s earliest and most comprehensive, formally records that many transgender individuals form “adoptive family structures within the community”, consisting of gurus, chelas, and peers.[42] Several state-level welfare boards (Karnataka, Maharashtra, Kerala, West Bengal) adopt identical formulations, stating that trans persons often “live in households formed by choice rather than birth.”[43]

NHRC Advisory on Protection of LGBTQIA+ Persons (2021)

The National Human Rights Commission’s Advisory on the Rights of LGBTQIA+ Persons (2021) is one of India’s most explicit official documents to reference the existence and value of chosen-family structures.[44] The Advisory notes that many LGBTQ+ persons form “non-natal kinship networks” due to rejection or violence within their biological families.[45] It instructs state governments and police departments to refrain from coercive interventions aimed at returning adults to natal families, recognising that such actions violate personal liberty under Article 21.[46] The Advisory specifically acknowledges that queer persons may live with partners, friends, or community groups with whom they have “long-term bonds of mutual care,” thereby identifying these networks as functional family units.[47] It further recommends that welfare schemes, housing access, and crisis-intervention mechanisms be modified to accommodate individuals living in chosen-family arrangements.[48] In doing so, the NHRC effectively establishes chosen families as a category that the state must recognise, protect, and integrate into social-welfare and policing frameworks.[49]

Ministry of Social Justice Guidelines on Support for Marginalized Individuals for Livelihood and Enterprise (SMILE)

The 2021 MSJE Implementation Report on the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act explicitly recognises that many transgender persons live outside natal families due to discrimination, violence, or social stigma.[50] The Report acknowledges that trans persons often form supportive non-biological households, functioning as family units for the purpose of caregiving, housing, and emotional stability.[51]

Government Reports Recognising Non-Traditional Family Structures

Parliamentary Standing Committee Report on the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2016–17

The 43rd Report of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment (2017) is one of the earliest and strongest government acknowledgments of chosen-family structures.[52] The Committee criticised the Bill’s natal-family-centric approach, noting that many transgender persons experience violence, coercion, and rejection in their biological homes.[53]The Report explicitly documents that transgender persons often “reside within alternative family structures constituted through community bonds,” directly mirroring the concept of chosen families.[54]

It observes that hijra and kinnar communities maintain guru-chela and household-based kinship that operate as stable, long-term familial networks.[55] These networks provide emotional support, housing, socialisation, safety, and community legitimacy, fulfilling all the sociological functions associated with family.[56]

Law Commission of India Reports

Law Commission of India, Consultation Paper on Reform of Family Law (2018)

The 2018 Consultation Paper is a major government document suggesting that Indian family law must evolve beyond traditional heteronormative expectations.[57] The Paper states that “families in India today present a diversity of forms,” including single-parent families, cohabiting partnerships, child-raising by extended kin, and voluntary caregiving units.[58] It specifically criticises personal laws for assuming that family must be rooted in marriage, blood, or normative reproduction.[59] The Commission recommends re-defining “family” to encompass “relationships of care, support, and interdependence,” directly aligning with academic definitions of chosen families.[60] Although the Paper does not mention queer households explicitly, its conceptual framework recognises that legal definitions must pivot from status-based family (blood/marriage) to function-based family (care/emotional bonds).[61] This shift provides a jurisprudential foundation for integrating chosen families into statutory frameworks.[62]

“Chosen Family” as Defined in Case Law”

Indian judicial decisions provide the strongest doctrinal foundation for recognising chosen families, especially in constitutional, writ, and habeas corpus matters involving queer individuals.[63] Courts have repeatedly affirmed that the Constitution protects relationships formed by choice, even when those relationships fall outside marriage or biological lineage.[64] This jurisprudence forms the legal spine for recognising chosen-family structures in India.[65]

NALSA v. Union of India (2014)

The Supreme Court in NALSA held that transgender persons have the fundamental right to identify and express their gender without interference from the State or family.[66] The judgment recognises that transgender individuals have historically been subjected to violence, rejection, and exclusion within their natal families, forcing many to leave home at a young age.[67] In acknowledging this reality, the Court describes the hijra/kinnar gharana system, based on guru-chela relationships as a legitimate and established social structure that provides protection, livelihood, and emotional community.[68] The Court characterises these communities as “socio-cultural groups” with an internal family-like hierarchy, rituals, and roles that are socially meaningful and legally relevant.[69] Crucially, the Court notes that these households function as “families of adoption,” where individuals enter by choice or acceptance rather than birth.[70] By recognising these structures as legitimate, the Court lays constitutional groundwork for the broader idea that family is not exclusively biological, but can be formed through voluntary bonds of care and belonging.[71]

Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (2018)

In Navtej, the Supreme Court declared that queer identities and queer relationships are entitled to full constitutional protection under Articles 14, 15, 19, and 21.[72] Justice Chandrachud emphasised that personal autonomy includes “the ability to form intimate relations of one’s choosing,” rejecting State-imposed heteronormativity.[73] The Court noted that criminalisation had forced queer persons into secrecy, severing them from meaningful companionships and preventing the formation of stable relational networks.[74] Justice Malhotra stressed that sexual orientation is innate and that denying individuals the right to form loving relationships violates their dignity and identity.[75] Together, these observations affirm that the Constitution protects the right to form family-like bonds even without marriage, reflecting the underlying logic of chosen-family structures.[76] While Navtej does not explicitly use the phrase “chosen family,” its reasoning dismantles the idea that family must be heterosexual, marital, or biological, thus providing doctrinal support later used by High Courts in chosen-family cases.[77]

Deepika Singh v. CAT (2022)

The Supreme Court in Deepika Singh addressed whether family benefits under government service rules extend to “atypical” family forms.[78] Justice Chandrachud observed that Indian society contains families that do not fit the “traditional stereotype” of a married couple with children.[79] He held that caregiving arrangements, single-parent households, unmarried partners raising children, extended-kin caregiving, are equally deserving of constitutional protection.[80] The Court ruled that excluding such families from benefits violates equality and dignity because the law must reflect “the myriad ways in which families exist.”[81] This recognition of functional family structures is directly aligned with the concept of chosen families, which are defined not by lineage but by caregiving, emotional support, and voluntary association.[82] Deepika Singh thus provides the Supreme Court’s clearest articulation that diverse family forms deserve protection under Indian constitutional law.[83]

Arunkumar v. Inspector General of Registration (Madras HC, 2019)

In Arunkumar, the Madras High Court held that marriage between a cisgender man and a transgender woman falls within the definition of a heterosexual marriage under Hindu law.[84] The Court clarified that gender is not limited to biological categories and must be understood as a spectrum, permitting transgender persons to marry according to their affirmed gender identity.[85] This judgment rejects the rigid biological model of family and acknowledges that families are constituted through personal identity and choice, not merely biology.[86] It also emphasises that denying trans persons the ability to form marital and familial bonds violates equality and dignity.[87] The case’s reasoning supports a legal framework where personal autonomy, not reproductive potential determines the validity of family formation, paralleling the conceptual foundations of chosen families.[88]

Sreeja S. v. Commissioner of Police (Madras HC, 2021)

This habeas corpus case involved a queer woman whose family had forcibly confined her due to her relationship with another woman.[89] The Court ordered her release and reaffirmed the right of adults to choose their residence and companions under Article 21.[90] The decision acknowledges that queer persons often face coercion within natal families and that their chosen partners provide safety, emotional support, and stability.[91]

The Court’s framing recognises that queer cohabiting units function as legitimate family structures deserving protection from State interference.[92] Although the Court does not use the term “chosen family,” the logic mirrors chosen-family theory: adult autonomy supersedes biological-family control.[93]

Sushma v. Commissioner of Police (Madras HC, 2021)

This landmark case involved a lesbian couple seeking police protection after threats from their natal families.[94]

The Court condemned police attempts to “counsel” queer couples back to their families, stating that such actions violate constitutional autonomy.[95]It ordered the State to create a comprehensive framework to protect LGBTQ+ persons, including:

  • police sensitisation,[96]
  • mental health support,[97]
  • guidelines for dealing with complaints,[98]
  • and safe housing for queer individuals fleeing violence.[99]

The judgment repeatedly affirms that queer partnerships are grounded in mutual support and emotional interdependence and thus must be safeguarded like other familial bonds.[100] Sushma is one of the first Indian judgments where the functional concept of chosen family is clearly articulated in court practice, even if not named explicitly.[101]

International Case Law

(A) Obergefell v. Hodges (2015)

The U.S. Supreme Court recognised that marital choice is an essential expression of personal autonomy and human dignity.[102] Justice Kennedy’s reasoning emphasises that family is defined by emotional commitment rather than gender or biological reproduction.[103] This logic extends naturally to chosen families, which also centre commitment and emotional interdependence.[104]

(B) Minister of Home Affairs v. Fourie (2005)

The South African Constitutional Court held that marriage laws must not privilege heterosexual relationships.[105] The Court’s analysis emphasises dignity, equality, and the recognition of diverse family forms, aligning with chosen-family reasoning.[106]

TYPES OF “CHOSEN FAMILIES”

Emotional-Support Chosen Families

Emotional-support chosen families develop when individuals form long-term affective bonds that provide validation, belonging and everyday emotional care not available in their natal households. Kath Weston’s landmark ethnography documents lesbian and gay communities in San Francisco who created enduring kin-like networks centred on shared rituals, caregiving, emotional labour and communal meaning-making. These relationships operated explicitly as “families” in language, obligation and practice. Queer theorists such as Judith Butler and José Esteban Muñoz further conceptualise these affective bonds as crucial to queer livability and the creation of social worlds outside heteronormative kinship norms. [107][108][109]

Practical-Care or Caregiving Chosen Families

Some chosen families organise primarily around daily practical care: sharing rent and household labour, pooling income, providing support during illness, and acting as informal caregivers. Empirical literature on LGBTQ+ aging and health shows that many queer adults rely on friends or chosen kin for assistance with chronic illness, mobility issues and medical decision-making, especially when excluded or unsupported by biological relatives. Studies in gerontology and social-work research document chosen-family caregiving as a patterned, long-term support system rather than an emergency substitute. [110][111]

Transgender Gharana-Based Chosen Families

India’s hijra, kinnar, and aravani communities maintain long-standing chosen-family traditions, often structured through the guru-chela relationship.[112] Members may “join” these families through rituals, economic apprenticeship, and symbolic adoption, reflecting a lineage formed by choice rather than birth.[113] Within these gharanas, the guru provides shelter, social legitimacy, identity training, and income pathways, while the chela provides loyalty, care, and labour, mirroring mutual obligations in biological families.[114] The Supreme Court recognises these community families as sociologically valid and historically significant forms of kinship deserving of state protection under Article 21.[115]

Cohabiting Queer Partnerships as Chosen Families

Unmarried queer couples often form chosen families through shared residence, joint financial arrangements, mutual caregiving and emotional interdependence. Indian constitutional jurisprudence on privacy and autonomy affirms the right of consenting adults to choose their partners and living arrangements. High Courts, especially in protection petitions, have recognised that queer couples constitute legitimate relational units deserving of non-interference and safety. While the courts do not use the term “chosen family,” the rights they affirm directly protect such cohabiting units. [116][117][118]

INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE

The global experience demonstrates that family in modern legal systems increasingly encompasses voluntary, affective, and functional kinship structures, including chosen families.[119] Human-rights bodies and comparative jurisprudence recognise that family is not a static, biologically fixed institution, but a dynamic formation rooted in emotional and material interdependence.[120] Countries operationalise these broader definitions through welfare benefits, cohabitation registries, caregiving rights, tenancy protections, adoption rules, and hospital visitation norms.[121]

HOW OTHER COUNTRIES HAVE DEFINED CHOSEN-FAMILY LIKE CONCEPTS

United States

The U.S. does not use the phrase “chosen family” in statutory law, but numerous legal mechanisms operationalise it.

(A) Hospital Visitation & Medical Decision-Making

After extensive advocacy following the AIDS crisis, the Hospital Visitation Rule (2011) mandates that hospitals accepting Medicare/Medicaid must allow patients to designate any person, including non-relatives, as visitors and decision-makers.[122]This effectively recognises chosen-family members as legitimate caregivers in medical emergencies.[123]

(B) Domestic Partnership Registries (Municipal-Level Recognition)

Cities like San Francisco, New York City, Chicago, Minneapolis, and Seattle maintain registries allowing any two adults to register as domestic partners.[124] These registries provide:

  1. hospital visitation,[125]
  2. bereavement leave,[126]
  3. continuance of tenancy after a partner’s death,[127]
  4. and sometimes health insurance eligibility.[128]

These frameworks explicitly include same-sex and non-romantic partners, aligning with chosen-family logic.[129]

(C) LGBTQ+ Ballroom Houses

U.S. queer subcultures (particularly Black and Latinx ballroom communities) have longstanding traditions of “houses” led by “house mothers/fathers” who build chosen kinship networks.[130] Anthropologists classify these as chosen families providing mentorship, housing, and protection.[131]

(D) Refugee & Asylum Law

US asylum jurisprudence frequently accepts queer refugees' chosen-family networks as markers of identity and community membership.[132]

Canada

Canada is among the most advanced jurisdictions in recognising voluntary kinship.

(A) Healthcare Decision-Making

All provinces allow patients to designate non-relatives as “substitute decision-makers,” acknowledging chosen kin as valid caregiving authorities.[133]

(B) Employment & Housing Rights

Canadian labour codes include “family status” protections that extend to non-biological dependent relationships.[134]

(C) Refugee Law

Canada’s Immigration & Refugee Board frequently treats queer chosen-family bonds as evidence of identity & community integration.[135]

Argentina

The Civil & Commercial Code (2015) recognises uniones convivenciales, a category based on cohabitation, caregiving, and emotional partnership.[136]

This grants:

  1. inheritance rights,[137]
  2. health insurance,[138]
  3. social security benefits,[139]
  4. separation rights.[140]

United Kingdom

UK law recognises chosen family in multiple places:

  1. Immigration Rules: same-sex or cohabiting partners recognised based on interdependence.[141]
  2. NHS Visitation: non-relatives may be designated next-of-kin.[142]
  3. Housing eligibility: Councils consider non-relatives in household assessments.[143]

Spain

Spain’s pareja de hecho statutes offer:

  1. hospital visitation,[144]
  2. insurance rights,[145]
  3. succession rights[146]

to registered cohabiting adults.

INTERNATIONAL BEST PRACTICES

  1. Legal Recognition via Cohabitation Registries: Countries like Spain, Netherlands, and U.S. cities allow adults to register as a family without marriage.[147] India could adopt a similar registry under state law.[148]
  2. Recognition of Caregiving (“Socio-Affective” Kinship): Brazil’s socio-affective parenthood doctrine recognises caregiving as legally sufficient to constitute family.[149]
  3. Designated Family Member Systems: U.S. and Canadian hospitals allow patients to choose who counts as “family.”[150]
  4. Policing Protocols Against Family Coercion: Latin American police manuals require officers to protect queer couples from natal-family interference.[151]
  5. Data Collection on Diverse Households: Canadian and UK censuses document same-sex and non-marital households, improving service delivery.[152]
  6. Anti-Discrimination Frameworks: Multiple jurisdictions outlaw discrimination based on “family status,” covering chosen-family contexts.[153]

RESEARCH THAT ENGAGES WITH THE TERM “CHOSEN FAMILY”

Queer Theory and LGBTQ+ Kinship

Judith Butler – Undoing Gender (2004)

In Undoing Gender, Butler argues that social recognition is unevenly distributed and that queer intimate bonds often fall outside socially recognised “kinship.”[154] She analyses cases where queer individuals are denied hospital visitation, parental recognition, or inheritance rights precisely because their bonds are not “family” under law. Butler writes that queer communities respond to these exclusions by forming durable, mutual-care relationships that function as family. Her central claim is that kinship should be defined by the practices of care and dependency, not by biological reproduction. She argues that states should recognise these practices because recognition is essential to living a “livable life.”

Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick – Tendencies (1993)

Sedgwick’s essays analyse queer bonds formed through affective ties, friendship, mentorship, and shared vulnerability.[155] In her chapter “How to Bring Your Kids Up Gay,” she describes how support networks among queer youth often replace biological family structures. Sedgwick notes that queer social worlds form around shared identity and shared risk rather than blood. Her work directly highlights the political and emotional centrality of non-biological queer bonds. Although she does not use the phrase “chosen family,” her analysis describes the same phenomenon.

Jose Esteban Munoz – Cruising Utopia (2009)

Munoz’s book argues that queer communities create alternative world-making projects through shared intimacy, communal care, and collective imagination.[156] He examines performance spaces, nightlife, and queer artistic scenes where networks of care and support emerge among unrelated individuals. Munoz frames these networks as “queer counterpublics” that sustain people who experience exclusion at home or in mainstream institutions. He suggests these communities form the foundation for queer futurity spaces where new forms of belonging become possible. This conceptualisation aligns closely with the sociological meaning of chosen family.

International Human Rights Scholarship

Inter-American Court of Human Rights – Advisory Opinion OC-24/17

In OC-24/17, the Court states that “family life” includes all stable, affective relationships providing mutual support, regardless of biological or marital status.[157]The Court explicitly rejects giving preferential treatment to heterosexual or biological families.It emphasises that the state has a duty to respect and protect diverse family forms as part of personal autonomy and equality under the American Convention. Although the opinion does not use the phrase “chosen family,” its doctrinal definition encompasses non-biological queer kinship. This is one of the strongest international recognitions of kinship pluralism.

UN Human Rights Council – Report of the Independent Expert on SOGI (A/HRC/38/43)

This UN report documents that LGBTQ+ individuals around the world often rely on community networks, friends, and informal care groups due to familial rejection.[158] It notes that these voluntary networks frequently provide housing, safety, emotional support, and economic assistance.The report criticises states for failing to recognise these relationships in legal frameworks around health care, inheritance, immigration, and welfare. It urges governments to adopt rights-based approaches that acknowledge non-biological kinship. This report is widely used in comparative and international family-law analysis.

UNHCR – Guidance Note on Refugee Claims Relating to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (2008)

This UNHCR guidance note explains that LGBTQ+ asylum-seekers often form “protective community networks” while fleeing persecution.[159] These networks provide shelter, information, and emotional support and often become long-term kin-like units. UNHCR instructs asylum officers to treat evidence of such networks as indicative of membership in a particular social group for refugee claims. The document acknowledges that biological family is often unsafe or hostile for LGBTQ+ refugees. This provides direct international recognition of chosen-family structures.

Challenges

  1. Lack of statutory recognition: Many national statutory regimes continue to define family in terms of marriage, blood, or adoption, which leaves voluntary, non-biological kinship (chosen families) outside routine legal categories for rights and benefits.[160] Because statutes normally use status-based language, chosen-family members frequently lack automatic entitlements to tenancy succession, inheritance, survivor benefits, or welfare access that are triggered by recognised familial status.[161]
  2. Doctrinal gaps in evidence and proof: Courts and administrative bodies often ask for documentary proof (marriage certificates, birth certificates, ration cards) to recognise family relationships; chosen families rarely possess such documentary evidence, making legal recognition and access to services procedurally difficult.[162] This evidentiary mismatch produces legal uncertainty and places the burden on vulnerable persons to produce non-standard proof of durable relationships (affidavits, witness testimony), which courts and officials may treat inconsistently.[163]
  3. Conflicts with existing welfare and administrative databases: Welfare delivery, identity, and entitlement systems (ration cards, citizenship registries, Aadhaar linkages, housing schemes) are generally organised around household or family-head models that assume biological or marital relationships, creating practical exclusion for chosen-family members who do not fit those fields.[164]
  4. Policing practices and coercive family interventions: Police and district authorities in some cases have attempted to “reconcile” adults with natal families or to pressure adults (including LGBTQ+ persons) to return home; courts have repeatedly had to direct police to respect adult autonomy and to provide protection instead of coercion.[165] Such practices create direct risks to people living in chosen-family arrangements, including threats of violence, forced separation, and loss of shelter or income.
  5. Health-care access, medical decision-making and visitation: Hospital visitation and surrogate decision-making rules in many jurisdictions privilege legally defined next-of-kin; absent statutory recognition of chosen caregivers, chosen-family members may be denied visitation, access to medical records, or decision-making authority during emergencies.[166]
  6. Inheritance, succession and intestacy: Intestacy and succession laws typically allocate estate shares to relatives by blood or marriage; chosen-family members who lack formal legal ties often have no automatic claim, producing real economic insecurity on the death of a chosen kin member.[167]
  7. Adoption, guardianship and parental rights: Although juvenile-justice and adoption regimes permit non-traditional caregiving in certain circumstances, statutory and administrative adoption/guardianship processes remain geared to married or biological applicants; this complicates adoption, foster placement, and custody claims involving chosen-family caregivers.[168]
  8. Diversity of terminology and lack of doctrinal clarity: Different disciplines and jurisdictions use divergent terms—“household of choice,” “affinitive kinship,” “socio-affective parenthood,” “family of choice”—which produces conceptual fragmentation and makes comparative law, policy drafting, and administrative implementation harder.[169]
  9. Intersectional vulnerabilities: Chosen-family members who are also trans, racialised, migrant, poor, disabled, or elderly face compounded barriers: social stigma, discrimination by service providers, limited access to formal employment or housing, and increased precarity when legal recognition is absent.[170]
  10. Data and research gaps: National census and administrative statistics generally do not record chosen families as a category, producing data scarcity that inhibits policy design, service delivery, and scholarly assessment of needs for these households.[171]

Way Ahead

1. Shift to functional definitions of “family” and “household”: Legal and administrative frameworks may move from status-based definitions (marriage, blood, adoption) to functional criteria such as caregiving, cohabitation, and economic interdependence. This approach aligns with recommendations of the Law Commission of India and with the Supreme Court’s recognition of “atypical families” under Article 21.[172] Comparable international guidance recognises affective and caregiving relationships as legitimate forms of family.[173]

2. Administrative and Regulatory Measures

  • Police non-coercion and protection protocols: Police may follow a uniform directive prohibiting coercive “reconciliation” of adults with natal families. Jurisprudence affirms that adults have the right to choose residence and companionship.[174] Operational steps include recording voluntary statements, offering temporary protection or shelter referrals, and avoiding mediation without informed consent.[175]Authorities may maintain lists of shelters and community organisations as recommended in national human-rights guidance.[176]
  • Hospital visitation and surrogate decision-making: Health authorities may allow patients to designate any person as an “authorised” visitor or decision-maker, regardless of legal relationship. Hospitals should accept written or electronic designations and, where absent, affidavits or witness verification.[177] Such policies align with international patient-rights standards and constitutional autonomy principles.
  • Welfare documentation and eligibility: Welfare forms may include fields for non-biological household members, supported by affidavit evidence, improving access to public-distribution and pension schemes.[178] States may also issue simple “Household of Choice” certificates for administrative use.

3. Judicial and Quasi-Judicial Measures

  • Use of Article 21 for interim protection: Courts may continue granting interim protection such as shelter access or non-interference orders based on autonomy and dignity principles recognised in key cases involving personal relationships.[179]
  • Documentary flexibility in courts and tribunals: Judicial training may emphasise acceptance of non-traditional proof of durable relationships, including affidavits, communication records, shared expenses, or witness statements, reflecting international standards for evidentiary flexibility.[180]

4. Data and Statistical Inclusion

  • Expanded household categories in national surveys: Large surveys (NFHS, NSS) may include optional questions on non-biological household members and caregiving roles to address gaps in existing data on family structures in India.[181]
  • Administrative databases on chosen-family documentation: Maintaining records of issued “Household of Choice” certificates may help identify needs, monitor uptake, and guide targeted policy interventions.[182]

5. Institutional Capacity-Building

  • Police, judicial, and healthcare sensitisation: Training curricula in police academies, judicial academies, and medical institutions may include modules on adult autonomy, non-coercive handling of family disputes, and recognition of chosen-family arrangements, consistent with existing court directives and NHRC recommendations.[183]
  • Shelter and support infrastructure: States may allocate dedicated shelter beds and transitional support for adults leaving unsafe natal homes or requiring protection while living in chosen-family households.[184]

Related terms

  1. Voluntary Kinship: “Voluntary kinship” refers to non-biological relationships established by choice rather than descent or marriage. The term was developed primarily in sociological and anthropological research examining families formed by cohabitation, caregiving, and shared social practices.[185] Researchers use this concept to explain how individuals create kin-like ties through shared labour, mutual dependency, and social obligations.[186]
  2. Fictive Kin / Fictive Kinship: “Fictive kinship” is a classic anthropological term describing kinship bonds recognised socially despite the absence of blood or marital ties. The term appears in early and modern kinship literature, and was formalised in African-American kinship studies documenting caregiver roles assumed by non-relatives.[187] It is used to understand godparenthood, community guardianship, ritual siblings, and queer chosen-family practices.[188]
  3. Affinitive Kinship: Affinitive kinship originally referred to relationships created through marriage (affines), but contemporary scholars extend the term to non-biological ties grounded in affective bonds and long-term support.[189] Anthropological research recognises that affinity can be socially produced rather than strictly marital.[190]
  4. Household of Choice: A “household of choice” denotes a residential unit made up of persons who choose to live together based on support needs, friendship, queer identity, or mutual caregiving. Policy literature uses this term in welfare-administration contexts to describe households not captured by nuclear-family assumptions.[191] It overlaps conceptually with chosen family but emphasises co-residence as the organising principle.
  5. Affective Family / Affective Relations: The Inter-American Court of Human Rights uses the term “affective family” to describe relationships constituted by emotional bonds, mutual support, and stability, independent of biological or marital status.[192] This jurisprudence forms an international legal foundation for recognising chosen family as a protected family form.
  6. Socio-Affective Parenthood: “Socio-affective parenthood” is a doctrine in Brazilian family law where parenthood is recognised based on sustained caregiving, emotional attachment, and the public performance of parental roles, irrespective of biological connection.[193] It supports broader functional family recognition and is frequently referenced in comparative-law literature on non-biological kinship.
  7. Domestic Partnership / Civil Union: Domestic partnerships and civil unions are legal statuses in several jurisdictions extending limited rights to two cohabiting adults outside marriage. These institutions often include hospital visitation, health-benefit eligibility, and tenancy protections. While primarily couple-focused, they provide partial legal recognition for non-marital and non-biological relationships.
  8. Queer Kinship: “Queer kinship” describes relational structures within LGBTQ+ communities that include chosen families, multi-adult households, and communal caregiving networks. Scholarly treatments of queer kinship explore how queer communities create supportive bonds and caregiving structures outside heteronormative family frameworks.[194][195]
  9. Atypical Family: The Supreme Court of India, in Deepika Singh v. Central Administrative Tribunal (2022), used the term “atypical family” to refer to family units that deviate from the traditional heterosexual, marital, biological model.[196] The Court recognised that caregiving-based, non-biological households may also constitute “families” under Article 21 of the Constitution.

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  31. UNHRC, Report of the Independent Expert on SOGI, A/HRC/38/43 (2018).
  32. Ibid.
  33. Ibid.
  34. Ibid.
  35. IACtHR, Advisory Opinion OC-24/17 (2017).
  36. Ibid.
  37. Ibid.
  38. Ibid.
  39. NALSA v Union of India (2014) 5 SCC 438.
  40. MSJE Circular, “Constitution of Transgender Welfare Boards Pursuant to NALSA Judgment” (2014).
  41. MSJE, “Status of Transgender Welfare Boards in India” (2015), p. 3.
  42. Tamil Nadu Transgender Welfare Board, “Annual Report” (2016).
  43. Karnataka Transgender Policy (2017), p. 4.
  44. NHRC Advisory on LGBTQIA+ Persons (2021).
  45. Ibid.
  46. Ibid.
  47. Ibid.
  48. Ibid.
  49. Ibid.
  50. Government of India, Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment, Department of Social Justice and Empowerment, “Support for Marginalized Individuals for Livelihood and Enterprise (SMILE) – Guidelines (w.e.f. 12 February 2022)” https://grants-msje.gov.in/display-smile-guidelines accessed 28 November 2025.
  51. Ibid.
  52. Parliamentary Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment, 43rd Report on The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2016.
  53. Ibid.
  54. Ibid.
  55. Ibid.
  56. Ibid.
  57. Law Commission of India, “Consultation Paper on Reform of Family Law” (2018).
  58. Ibid.
  59. Ibid.
  60. Ibid.
  61. Ibid.
  62. Ibid.
  63. Navtej Singh Johar v Union of India (2018) 10 SCC 1, para 244.
  64. Ibid., para 248.
  65. NALSA v Union of India (2014) 5 SCC 438, paras 129–130.
  66. NALSA v Union of India (2014) 5 SCC 438.
  67. Ibid.
  68. Ibid.
  69. Ibid.
  70. Ibid.
  71. Ibid.
  72. Navtej Singh Johar v Union of India (2018) 10 SCC 1.
  73. Ibid.
  74. Ibid.
  75. Ibid.
  76. Ibid.
  77. Ibid.
  78. Deepika Singh v CAT (2022) 7 SCC 1
  79. Ibid.
  80. Ibid.
  81. Ibid.
  82. Ibid.
  83. Ibid.
  84. Arunkumar v Inspector General of Registration, 2019 SCC OnLine Mad 8779.
  85. Ibid.
  86. Ibid.
  87. Ibid.
  88. Ibid.
  89. Sreeja S v Commissioner of Police, 2021 SCC OnLine Mad 1763.
  90. Ibid.
  91. Ibid.
  92. Ibid.
  93. Ibid.
  94. S Sushma v Commissioner of Police, 2021 SCC OnLine Mad 1853.
  95. Ibid.
  96. Ibid.
  97. Ibid.
  98. Ibid.
  99. Ibid.
  100. Ibid.
  101. Ibid.
  102. Obergefell v Hodges, 576 US 644 (2015)
  103. Ibid.
  104. Ibid.
  105. Minister of Home Affairs v Fourie, CCT 60/04 (2005).
  106. Ibid.
  107. Weston, Kath. Families We Choose: Lesbians, Gays, Kinship. Columbia University Press, 1991.
  108. Butler, Judith. Undoing Gender. Routledge, 2004.
  109. Muñoz, José Esteban. Cruising Utopia. New York University Press, 2009.
  110. Knauer, Nancy J. “LGBT Older Adults, Chosen Family, and Caregiving.” Journal of Law and Religion (2016).
  111. Muraco, Anna & Fredriksen-Goldsen, Karen I. “‘That’s what friends do’: Informal caregiving for chronically ill midlife and older LGB adults.” Journal of Social and Personal Relationships (2011).
  112. NALSA v Union of India (2014) 5 SCC 438, para 68.
  113. Ibid.
  114. Ibid.
  115. Ibid.
  116. Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India, (2018) 10 SCC 1.
  117. S. Sushma v. Commissioner of Police, 2021 SCC OnLine Mad 1853.
  118. Sreeja S. v. Commissioner of Police, 2021 SCC OnLine Mad 1763.
  119. Yogyakarta Principles (2007), Principle 24.
  120. IACtHR Advisory Opinion OC-24/17, para 182.
  121. UNDP, “LGBTI Inclusion Index” (2020).
  122. US HHS, Rule 42 CFR 482.13.
  123. Ibid.
  124. NYC Admin Code, Domestic Partnership Rules.
  125. Ibid.
  126. Ibid.
  127. San Francisco Rent Ordinance, Family Member Succession Rules.
  128. NYC Employee Benefits Handbook.
  129. Kim et al., PMC (2021).
  130. Kim et al., PMC (2021).
  131. Weston (1991).
  132. Porta et al., PMC (2021).
  133. Ontario Health Care Consent Act 1996, s. 20.
  134. Canadian Human Rights Act, Family Status Provision.
  135. Porta et al., PMC (2021).
  136. Argentine Civil & Commercial Code, Title III.
  137. Ibid.
  138. Ibid.
  139. Ibid.
  140. Ibid.
  141. UK Immigration Rules, Appendix FM.
  142. NHS Next-of-Kin Guidelines.
  143. UK Homelessness Code of Guidance.
  144. Spain Regional Civil Codes.
  145. Ibid.
  146. Ibid.
  147. Dutch Cohabitation Contract Guidelines.
  148. Law Commission (2018).
  149. Brazil Supreme Court RE 898060.
  150. US HHS 42 CFR 482.13.
  151. IACtHR OC-24/17.
  152. Canada Census Definitions 2021.
  153. Canadian Human Rights Act.
  154. Butler, Undoing Gender (2004).
  155. Sedgwick, Tendencies (1993).
  156. Muñoz, Cruising Utopia (2009).
  157. IACtHR, Advisory Opinion OC-24/17.
  158. UNHRC, A/HRC/38/43 (2018).
  159. UNHCR, Guidance Note (2008).
  160. Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, ss. 56–57; Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005, s. 2(f).
  161. Law Commission of India, Consultation Paper on Reform of Family Law (2018) (noting need to rethink family definitions).
  162. Deepika Singh v. CAT (2022) 7 SCC 1 (recognising “atypical” families in principle but not creating a statutory documentary regime).
  163. Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (2018) 10 SCC 1 (doctrine of dignity and autonomy; implementation gap noted in subsequent litigation).
  164. NITI Aayog, India Social Inclusion Index (2020); National Health Authority, ABDM Blueprint (2021) (on family/household data models).
  165. S Sushma v. Commissioner of Police, 2021 SCC OnLine Mad 1853; Sreeja S v. Commissioner of Police, 2021 SCC OnLine Mad 1763.
  166. World Health Organization, mhGAP Human Rights Guidance (2016) (on family/caregiver recognition); see also Navtej (2018) (right to intimate association and dignity).
  167. Indian Succession Act, 1925 (statutory intestacy framework); see also economic reporting on queer heirs in India.
  168. Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2015, ss. 56–57; Adoption Regulations, 2022 (CARA).
  169. Yogyakarta Principles (2007), Principle 24 (recognising diverse family forms); IACtHR Advisory Opinion OC-24/17 (2017) (on affective families).
  170. Eng, The Feeling of Kinship (2010); UNHRC, Report of the Independent Expert on SOGI, A/HRC/38/43 (2018).
  171. NITI Aayog, India Social Inclusion Index (2020) (on gaps in household data collection).
  172. Law Commission of India, Consultation Paper on Reform of Family Law (2018); Deepika Singh v. CAT, (2022) 7 SCC 1.
  173. IACtHR, Advisory Opinion OC-24/17; Yogyakarta Principles (2007), Principle 24.
  174. Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India, (2018) 10 SCC 1, paras 244–246.
  175. S Sushma v. Commissioner of Police, 2021 SCC OnLine Mad 1853.
  176. NHRC Advisory on LGBTQIA+ Persons (2021).
  177. US HHS hospital visitation rules; WHO mhGAP Human Rights Guidance (2016); Navtej (2018).
  178. NITI Aayog, India Social Inclusion Index (2020); Law Commission of India (2018).
  179. Navtej (2018); NALSA v. Union of India, (2014) 5 SCC 438; Deepika Singh (2022).
  180. UNHCR, Guidance Note on SOGI Claims (2008); Law & Society Review, studies on evidence constraints.
  181. NITI Aayog, Social Inclusion Index (2020).
  182. Law Commission of India (2018).
  183. S Sushma (2021); NHRC Advisory (2021).
  184. MSJE Implementation Report (2021).
  185. Stack, Carol. All Our Kin. Harper & Row, 1974.
  186. Schneider, David. A Critique of the Study of Kinship. University of Michigan Press, 1984.
  187. Stack, Carol. All Our Kin. Harper & Row, 1974.
  188. Weston, Kath. Families We Choose. Columbia University Press, 1991.
  189. Carsten, Janet. Cultures of Relatedness. Cambridge University Press, 2000.
  190. Schneider, David. A Critique of the Study of Kinship. University of Michigan Press, 1984.
  191. NITI Aayog. India Social Inclusion Index. 2020.
  192. Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Advisory Opinion OC-24/17 (2017).
  193. Brazil Supreme Court, RE 898060 (2016).
  194. Weston, Kath. Families We Choose. Columbia University Press, 1991.
  195. Butler, Judith. Undoing Gender. Routledge, 2004.
  196. Deepika Singh v. CAT, (2022) 7 SCC 1, para 35.